
Disclaimer: this is the private work of Ouissal El Khattabi, committee member of the Amnesty Student Group Utrecht (AISU) PR-committee, and does not represent an official Amnesty International analysis.
The Imazighen (‘free men’) are the indigenous people of the Maghreb region, the Northwestern part of Africa. They are commonly referred to as ‘Berbers’, which is derived from the word ‘barbaric’. The term originates from the Greek word βάρβαρος (barbaros) that was used to refer to foreigners from “lands beyond moral influence”, especially those from rival nations like the Persians, Imazighen, and Turks, whose languages Roman and Greek soldiers mocked by saying “bar bar bar.”[1]
Keeping the derogatory history of the term ‘Berbers’ in mind, I will stick to using ‘Imazighen’ for the rest of this blog entry.
The Imazighen’s presence in North Africa, including present-day Morocco, predates recorded history. The Arab colonization of Morocco, starting in the 7th century, significantly altered the political and cultural landscape in the region, leading to centuries of oppression and marginalization of the Imazighen.[2] In this blog entry I will explore the history of the Arab colonization of the Imazighen, focusing on Morocco, their oppression and their enduring struggle for recognition and rights.
Pre-Arab history of the Imazighen
The Imazighen have a history and culture that spans thousands of years. They inhabited the Maghreb region long before the arrival of Arab conquerors. Archaeological evidence suggests that the Imazighen’s presence dates back to at least 10.000 BCE. They had their own languages (Tamazight), arts and spiritual beliefs, much like other indigenous peoples [3]. By the time of the Roman Empire, the Imazighen had established their own kingdoms, most famously Mauretania.[4]
During the early centuries of the Common Era, the Imazighen gradually adopted Christianity. This religious shift was largely influenced by Roman and Byzantine rule. Despite these external influences, the Imazighen retained their identity and autonomy in much of the Maghreb region.[5]
Arab invasion
The Arab colonization of Morocco began in the late 7th century during the Caliphate’s expansion under the banner of Islam. The initial invasion was met with fierce resistance from the Imazighen. However, the superior military resources of the Arabs eventually subdued many Amazigh tribes.[6]
While some Imazighen willingly converted to Islam, others resisted, resulting in prolonged conflicts. Conversion was often fought as it was not simply a matter of spirituality and religion, but also a political one. Acceptance of Islam often meant submission to Arab rule. The Imazighen who converted frequently adopted Islam on their own terms, blending it with their native pre-Islamic traditions. This resulted in more conflict, as some Arab rulers sought to impose their interpretation of Islam.[7]
Arabization
Arabization is the process of promoting Arab culture, language and identity. This often comes at the expense of indigenous ones and was also the cornerstone of Arab colonization in Morocco. Arabic was established as the main language, marginalizing the Tamazight languages spoken by the Imazighen in significant parts of their lives like administration, education and religion. This served as a tool for eroding the Amazigh identity.[8]
This linguistic dominance went paired with discriminatory policies that favored Arabs in governance. Imazighen were often put in lower roles, with little representation in decision-making processes.[9] The Imazighen’s native culture was sidelined and many of them were (indirectly) forced to adopt Arab customs to gain social mobility.
The Amazigh resistance
Despite centuries of oppression, the Imazighen have continually resisted Arab domination and cultural erasure. This resistance has taken various forms, from armed uprisings to protests. The most notable example of early resistance is the rebellion led by queen Dihya, who is often referred to as ‘Kahina’ (‘sorceress’) as a result of the nickname given by colonialist powers. She was an Amazigh leader who fought against Arab invaders in the 7th century and delayed the Arab conquest of the Maghreb region. She remains a legend and a symbol of Amazigh defiance.[10]
In modern times, the French and Spanish colonial periods stretched from from 1912 to 1956. Abeldkrim El Khattabi is an Amazigh leader who struggled against Spanish, French and Arab colonization and remains an icon for revolutions everywhere.[11] This period of European colonialism, however, offered a brief reprieve for the Amazigh culture, as colonial powers sought to divide to weaken anti-colonial resistance. For example, the French implemented the Berber Dahir in 1930, which aimed to govern Amazigh populations under their customary laws rather than Islamic law.[12] The policy sowed division as it was meant to and therefore weakened anti-colonial resistance, but it also preserved some aspects of Amazigh culture.
Post-independence marginalization
After Morocco gained independence in 1956, the new Arab-dominated government pursued policies of aggressive Arabization. These policies aimed to consolidate a national identity centered around Arab culture and Islam, once again sidelining the Imazighen and their culture. The Arabization succeeded, with a lot of Moroccans today embracing this Arab identity and having let go of their native Amazigh one. The Amazigh identity is most prevalent in the Rif region, which is the northern part of Morocco.[13]
Economic marginalization also became a significant issue, as many Amazigh communities, particularly in rural areas, were deprived of basic infrastructure, healthcare and education.[14] This neglect deepened the socio-economic disparities between Arabized cities and predominantly Amazigh rural regions.
Contemporary struggles for recognition
In the late 20th and early 21st centuries we have witnessed a resurgence of Amazigh activism. Movements advocating for the recognition of Tamazight languages and culture gained momentum in the 80s and 90s. These efforts culminated in milestones, such as the establishment of the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture (IRCAM) in 2001 and the constitutional recognition of Tamazight as an official language in 2011.[15]
However, these achievements have not fully addressed the systemic challenges faced by the Imazighen. The implementation of Tamazight in education and public administration remains inconsistent and many activists argue that the state’s commitment to promoting Amazigh culture is merely superficial. Moreover, economic disparities and political underrepresentation persist.[16]
Cultural expressions that challenge the dominant Arab identity are often viewed with suspicion and Amazigh activists are often faced with harassment and persecution. A good example of an activist faced with persecution is Nasser Zefzafi, who is seen as the leader of the popular resistance movement ‘Hirak Rif’ (‘Movement of Rif’). Zefzafi is also known as ‘Moroccan Pasionaria’ and praised for his nonviolent protests. In 2017, Zefzafi was arrested by the Moroccan police and charged with a list of crimes that included undermining state security, disrespecting the king, and receiving funds from abroad used for plots to destabilize the country. In 2018, after refusing to write a letter of apology to the king for his actions, he received a 20-year imprisonment along with the other political activists after numerous cancelled trials since their detention.[17]
Conclusion
The history of the Arab colonization of the Imazighen is a story of resilience in the face of adversity. Despite fourteen centuries of cultural suppression, economic marginalization and political exclusion, the Imazighen have maintained a strong sense of identity and continue to fight for their rights. While advancements in cultural recognition and language policy offer hope, much work remains to be done to achieve genuine equality for Imazighen in Morocco. Their struggle is not just a fight for cultural preservation but also a broader battle for indigenous rights and dignity in the face of enduring systemic oppression.
[1] Ilahiane, H. (2017). Historical Dictionary of the Imazighen. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, p. 2.
[2] Chafik, M. (2018, July 13). The Origin of the Amazigh People by Mohamed Chafik. Amazigh World News. https://amazighworldnews.com/the-origin-of-the-amazigh-people-by-mohamed-chafik/
[3] Chafik, M. (2018, July 13). The Origin of the Amazigh People by Mohamed Chafik. Amazigh World News. https://amazighworldnews.com/the-origin-of-the-amazigh-people-by-mohamed-chafik/
[4] Elimam, A. (2023). Maghrebians (or Mauri) Speak Magharibi, not Arabic. From Education and Humanities to Improve Knowledge, Society and the Digital Transformation, 1, p. 1.
[5] Ilahiane, H. (2017). Historical Dictionary of the Imazighen. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, p. 173.
[6] Ilahiane, H. (2017). Historical Dictionary of the Imazighen. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, p. 5.
[7] Ilahiane, H. (2017). Historical Dictionary of the Imazighen. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, p. 173.
[8] Benkharafa, M. (2013). Language, Economics and the Power of Education in Morocco. Theory and practice in language studies, p. 20.
[9] Ilahiane, H. (2017). Historical Dictionary of the Imazighen. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, p. 214.
[10] Rezzoug, A. (2024). Dihya: An Algerian Symbol of Resistance. IMAGO Interculturalité Et Didactique, 23(2), 350-362. https://asjp.cerist.dz/en/article/260508. p. 350.
[11] NPO (2022, January). Het verhaal van Abdelkrim. Consulted on February 15th 2025, from https://npo.nl/start/serie/het-verhaal-van-abdelkrim/seizoen-1/het-verhaal-van-abdelkrim_2/afspelen.
[12] Aliouat, Salaheddine. (2024). THE ROLE OF EMIR SHAKIB ARSLAN IN RESISTING FRENCH BARBARIC POLITICS:"BERBER DAHIR AS A MODEL. افاق للعلوم, 9(3), 248-264. https://asjp.cerist.dz/en/article/246509. p. 264.
[13] Macdonald, P. (2021). Political Discourse in the Maghreb: An Analysis of Amazigh Identity in Algeria and Morocco. International Relations Review, 11(1), p. 60.
[14] Alalou, A. (2024). Language Policy During Both Colonial and Post-colonial Eras in Morocco: Aspects of a Double Marginalization of Imazighen. In: Lisanza, E.M., Muaka, L. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Language Policies in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-57308-8_25, p. 539.
[15] Schwed, Jessica, "The Power Dynamics of Language: An Analysis of the Positionality of Amazigh Language in Morocco" (2017). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection, p. 9.
[16] Schwed, Jessica, "The Power Dynamics of Language: An Analysis of the Positionality of Amazigh Language in Morocco" (2017). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection, p. 12.
[17] Freedom House. (n.d.). NGOs praise UN Working Group ruling and urge immediate release of Moroccan political activist Nasser Zefzafi. Freedom House. https://freedomhouse.org/article/ngos-praise-un-working-group-ruling-and-urge-immediate-release-moroccan-political-activist
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